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Mapping Cultural Policy in South Africa: Reflections from an Ethnomusicologist |
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Nanette de Jong |
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I
step into the back garden of a home located in Mamelodi, a township outside
of Pretoria, South Africa, where there are some two dozen women waiting for
me to lead them through an entrepreneurial training workshop. The ages of the
women attending range from teenage to elderly. Some mothers and grandmothers
bring their children and grandchildren, who, sitting on laps or kneeling
nearby, are surprisingly quiet throughout the workshop. Two mothers sit
towards the back where they breastfeed their newborn
babies. |
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I
am one of several facilitators asked to lead workshops in Mamelodi on
entrepreneurism in the cultural sector. There are six workshops in total,
with the expectation that at the end of the workshops the women will be
prepared to enter the cultural sector, be it through self-employment or
permanent work with an arts-based company or organisation. At my workshop, I
am charged with the task of leading the women through a series of facts and
figures regarding how civic engagement in the sector can play a crucial role
in ensuring change within the sector and a stronger gender balance of power
in society. During the workshop, I outline some of the typical factors that
may inhibit equal civic participation by women, including limits of time due
to household responsibilities and childcare. I also share examples of how
women can participate in civic engagement, from joining a blog to attending
public meetings organised by their civic council. Although the women listen
intently, the workshop is also recorded, the taped meeting left with the
local organiser of the group so that participants can re-watch the workshop
when and if needed. |
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Afterwards,
I meet with the women individually to discuss civic engagement, prepared to
offer more personal support and advice during our one-on-one meetings. I
quickly learn that these women have joined the workshop out of genuine hope
and need for economic empowerment. Without exception, they live in severe
poverty and these workshops, as one woman put it, ‘are my ticket to a better
life.’ The women in attendance are willing to work hard, willing to dedicate
themselves to the workshops. |
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My
advice regarding civic participation, as becomes quickly apparent during the
one-on-one meetings, falls short. To contribute to a blog, the women must
have access to the Internet as well as a computer or mobile phone that
connects them to the Internet. Many of the women I speak with that day,
however, admit that they have never participated in internet activities and
are apprehensive to start; others point out that WiFi
is not accessible where they live and purchasing data for their phones,
required to enable internet capability, is simply out of the question due to
it being too expensive. The suggestion that they join on or create a blog
became even more nonsensical when I learned that most of the women attending
the workshop were illiterate: they were unable to read or write. |
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The
facilitators leading the other workshops for these women faced similar
challenges of relevancy. Most poignantly, the facilitators neglected to take into account the informal cultural sector, where
most—if not all—of these women would most likely assume employment. The
advice offered the participants on accessing government funds to establish
their businesses or on filing taxes as business-owners, as was offered at the
workshops, therefore emerged largely inconsequential. |
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The
experience pushed me to reconsider the role of the cultural sector in South
Africa, as well as the country’s position on cultural policy. I had come into
the workshops with a state-mediated definition of both. As I soon learned,
however, in South Africa the cultural sector and cultural policy are actually
more distributed, less easy to identify in state policy, and, certainly, less
readily attached to flows of state capital. As a result, the terms ‘cultural
sector’ and ‘cultural policy’ emerge complex, springing in my case from an
arguably Western imagination of statecraft that deserved more careful
consideration, particularly when viewed from within a post-colonial country
like South Africa. |
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The
questions follow, then, as to how to make sense of what we might want to term
the ‘cultural sector’ and ‘cultural policy’ in South Africa. Or, as asked in
this article, are there ways in which we can nonetheless talk about cultural
sector and cultural policy that bring productive and critical narratives to
bear on both the North American and European definitions and the productive
outcomes of how cultural sectors and cultural policies may be mandated
elsewhere? This article, in line with those questions, discusses the
complexities of what might therefore problematically be termed cultural
sector and cultural policy in South Africa, focusing on my role as one of the
facilitators in a two-year entrepreneurial training programme (2012-2014)
organised for the purpose of strengthening that country’s cultural sector.
This paper recounts those experiences and, in the process, introduces
ethnomusicology as a more radical and connected space for conducting applied
work. It also suggests new forms of engagement, and indicates ways to respond
to global social, economic and political challenges. Although
not a cultural policy scholar, I write this article in the hope that
my experiences may resonate with discussions on cultural policy in and
outside South Africa, and, as stated previously, that my experiences may
serve as encouragement to other ethnomusicologists looking for ways to apply
their research toward human and economic development. |
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A
variety of approaches have been used to compile the research for this
article. Published and unpublished research reports and scholarly writings
with relevant information on policy-making in and outside the cultural sector
were sourced. Quantitative and qualitative research was also conducted with
individuals as well as organisations (NGOs and NPOs) involved in South
Africa’s cultural sector. Questionnaires were distributed, and key
stakeholders were formally interviewed individually and as part of focus-group
discussions (focus-groups ranged from three members to 26 members). |
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Complexities
of Cultural Policy-Making |
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A study into
the complexities of cultural policy-making in South Africa must begin with an
examination into the intricacies of terminologies, which themselves convey certain imaginaries that do not necessarily fit an
African context. The term ‘cultural industry,’ for example, adopted in
1997 by the UK government, was sought as a way to discuss
the different activities pursued by the then newly elected Labour
administration. The following explanation was provided for the term: ‘Those
activities that have their origin in individual creativity, skill and talent
and which have a potential for wealth and job creation through the general
exploitation of intellectual property’.[1] This UK definition
marked a shift toward the commodification of cultural products, and established
the notion that the cultural industry could prove important to the growth of
an economy. ‘The creative and media industries world wide
are growing rapidly,’ the Labour Party proclaimed.
‘We must grasp the opportunities presented’.[2] |
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The
act of policy-making in the cultural sector, however, proved a complex
process in the UK (and elsewhere). What criteria should be used in
ascertaining which cultural forms and practices should receive public
subsidy? How can ‘quality’ be judged in regards to culture? In answering
these questions what emerged was a hierarchy of ‘high’ and ‘low,’ with
popularised cultures or commercially produced practices immediately relegated
to ‘mass or low culture’.[3] This high/low
distinction came to characterise genres and audiences; was often based around
classifications of age, class, gender and race; and ‘[has] always been a
means through which certain idealised versions of national identities were
actively promoted, or indeed contested’.[4]
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In
a country like South Africa, where notions of difference and hierarchies of
high/low culture were a mainstay in the country’s historical recognition of
White superiority, acts of policy-making in the cultural sector proved
particularly troublesome. Classifications of apartheid had systematically
promoted Afrikaner culture. Black traditions were notoriously placed at the
bottom of a high/low hierarchical arc, while Coloured communities were
perceived as having no cultural legacy at all.[5] An increased number of
NGOs, NPOs and private companies were organised in South Africa during the
1980s for purposes of promoting and selling traditional products. Yet, as may
be surmised, during apartheid these organisations and companies were
White-owned, with ‘government policy on culture [favouring] arts and culture
associated with the white minority, placing great emphasis on monumental, Afrikaner or European heritage resources
and using cultural difference as the political basis for ethnic separation’ [6] While the venture
of selling traditional items proved lucrative for these White-owned
organisations and companies, Black would-be entrepreneurs continued to
struggle, ‘operat[ing] at
bare survival levels’.[7]
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Modern
South Africa continues to struggle with its apartheid past: it remains
segregated, and race and ethnicity still are primary indicators of
opportunity. The Western-based policies that extend and even reinforce
definitions of high and low culture continue to problematize post-apartheid
South Africa. Black artists in the country point specifically to funding
schemes within the cultural sector as a point of contention, which, they
argue, continue to disenfranchise artists of colour. As one visual artist from
Johannesburg complained during a training workshop, ‘In South Africa, if you
want to be a working artist, there is a canon you must follow. There are
expectations of how to draw, what to paint’ (interview, 2012). ‘Blacks are
expected to follow a certain aesthetic. It goes against our artistic
freedom,’ adds another artist who is standing nearby. ‘Artistic freedom?’
asks another artist. ‘What’s that? It doesn’t exist in South Africa’
(interviews, 2012). |
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Closer
examination into South Africa’s cultural sector reveals how the Department of
Arts and Culture supports a national cultural policy that endorses privileged
art forms and generally funds the more prominent cultural institutions and
organisations across the country.[8] All
the while, the more marginalised communities across the country—be it in the
city centre, the rural areas or the townships—are ‘in a state of chaos,
degeneration, decay and decline’[9] their cultural
activities ‘neglected by the national policy’.[10]
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Further
complicating this transference of a Western cultural policy to South Africa
is the definition of culture itself, which is very different in South Africa
than it is in the West. Ideas of culture infiltrate the everyday in South
Africa, connecting the personal life with the community, and linking work
life with recreational activities. In fact, as H.C. Roodt
argues, ‘societal transformation, freedom, justice, peace and
development cannot avoid an encounter with “culture”’ in South Africa, which
distinctly separates it from the West.[11]
Adopting policies that are based on fundamental
perceptions of culture that do not necessarily translate outside of the West
has led to further challenges in South Africa regarding cultural
policy-making.[12] |
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There were
attempts to initiate a more inclusive and African-centred cultural policy
following apartheid. The Arts and
Culture White Paper, for example, was drafted in 1996, which, among its
varied goals, sought to institute better equity across the cultural sector.
Despite its best intentions, it was met with little success. Larger,
urban-based businesses were funded, while rural entrepreneurs— the majority
of which were Black—were ignored.[13]
There have since been repeated attempts to revise the policy, but as Harriett
Deacon reminds us, ‘[p]olicies, like histories, are
often used as rhetorical devices for blame or justification, charters for
action and foci for expressing allegiance.
Sometimes they are ‘designed to win elections, appease supporters and even
opponents’.[14]
Since the drafting of The Arts
and Culture White Paper, cultural policy reform has been placed ‘on the
proverbial back burner’.
[15]
leaving Black-owned businesses in the cultural sector to struggle.
[16] |
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Although
the post-apartheid administration may have voiced concern about ‘a national
cultural policy that promotes elite art forms and supports high-profile
cultural institutions and organisations’,[17]
there remains a lack of ‘specific strategic role[s] that might put cultural
resources to strategic use in community development’. [18]
As a result, more impoverished areas, including the city centres, townships
and rural regions, where the majority of Blacks live, continue to struggle to
join the cultural sector. As Deborah Stephenson writes, ‘Although the
‘charter’ of national cultural policy is to ensure the nation is able to
represent itself to itself and to the world, it has never been responsible
for nurturing (regulating) everyday ways of life to the same extent as local
government, and it has a relatively small part to play in dealing with
cultural activity as it is lived ‘on the ground’’.[19]
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When I first
became involved in organising and running an entrepreneurial training
programme for women and youth in South Africa, I, along with the others
involved in the project, had assumed the official stances of the United
Kingdom regarding policy-making and policy-change. We looked to strengthen
South Africa’s cultural sector by following a top-down, state-centric idea of
what constitutes both ‘culture’ and ‘policy.’ Our decisions regarding the
training content and objectives were driven by authoritative decisions
‘centrally located’ by actors ‘seen as the most relevant to producing the
desired effects’[20]
including the European Commission, which funded our training programme. Yet,
during the two-year programme it became increasingly clear that South Africa’s
cultural sector works within highly localised spaces that exist comparatively
separate from, and sometimes in conflict with, such narratives. It moved in
much more organic ways than we had previously thought—or were prepared for.
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Applying
Ethnomusicology to Cultural Policy |
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Increasingly,
ethnomusicologists are becoming more involved as instruments of change in the
communities that they study.[21] They are continuing to
recognise the transformative possibilities behind their role as
ethnographers; and, moving their work and subject matter away from more
standard academic settings, ever more ethnomusicologists are taking on the
role of activist. A discipline called ‘applied ethnomusicology’ has emerged
as a result. So influential and popular has this sub-discipline become, the
International Council for Traditional Music (ICTM) established an applied
ethnomusicology study group in 2007, which came up with a definition for the
sub-discipline that remains widely used:
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Applied ethnomusicology is the approach guided by principles of social
responsibility, which extends the usual academic goal of broadening and
deepening knowledge and understand toward solving concrete problems and
toward working both inside and beyond typical academic contexts.[22]
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My
own involvement in applied ethnomusicology, like many other
ethnomusicologists, was not planned. Instead, I was drawn into it, pulled in
by the intricate complexities behind cultural policy-making in South Africa
and the genuine wish to make a difference. South Africa’s approach to
cultural policy, having been shaped and reshaped by and through European
mandates, unsurprisingly exists within frames of unequal power relations. In
speaking with local community members, many of whom found it difficult to participate
in the cultural sector as it currently stands, I was provided with a rich
ethnographic investigation that disclosed the many competing local and
national narratives when it came to cultural policy-making. While examining
the nature and effectiveness of South Africa’s cultural policy I became
involved in the hopes and dreams of different communities who saw the
cultural sector as a sort of saviour, a vehicle through which community
members could gain employment and assume self-empowerment. |
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I
joined forces with a South African-based NGO and a South African- and
Zimbabwean-based consulting firm to apply for European-based funding to
develop and run a training programme in the cultural sector, targeting the
poorer areas of the Gauteng and Eastern Cape provinces (including rural areas
and townships), devising our programme around the needs of women and youths
(young men and women). I joined the programme because I felt I could offer
particular expertise as an ethnomusicologist. I have been trained in
empirical research and analysis. Ethnomusicology, which places the researcher
at the centre of the data collection process, encourages close relationships
to develop between the researcher and research participants. The information
that is gleaned by the ethnomusicologist, as a result, is often deeply
personal and hidden to cultural outsiders; the data collected may be
difficult—if not impossible—to acquire without these qualitative research
methods. It is an approach to research that enables particular insights into
those communities seeking to join the cultural sector. |
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Strengthening
the cultural sector as a strategy for supporting human development must begin
with a clear assessment of community needs. Only then can there emerge a plan
of action that directly addresses those needs.[23] Strategies for
strengthening the cultural sector too often do not link with the particulars
of the community to which the sector is connected; unsuitable for the
community and the cultural infrastructure of that community, the strategies
in the end fail.[24] Despite this important
link between the sector and community, the relationship between them is
rarely discussed; and is even more rarely approached by ethnomusicologists.
Yet, it is ripe for an analysis, to which ethnomusicology can contribute. The
research gleaned through ethnomusicology helps to expose ways to mobilise
communities around goals of strengthening and diversifying the cultural
sector, and it identifies some of the barriers that may prevent community members
from taking an active part in the cultural sector. Ethnomusicology places the
cultural considerations of a community at its forefront. By bringing these
considerations to the forefront, the task of strengthening the cultural
sector can be better supported.
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Because the cultural sector does not exist
in a vacuum—it lives in, by and for the community—it is always in motion,
constantly evolving and changing, adapting and transforming to meet the
fluctuating social, political, cultural and economic needs of the community.
It therefore can serve as a useful framework for ethnomusicologists studying
human engagement: a close reading of the cultural sector and the community
reveals just how interconnected they are to general human development. The
ethnomusicologist, well equipped to uncover, examine and analyse the
inter-workings of these overlapping and diverging structures of the
community, can offer insights into the community context within the cultural
sector, as well as what follows from it (which other researchers may
overlook). The research conducted through ethnomusicology can unpack how the
cultural sector and community come together to encourage social inclusion,
community building and civic empowerment. Because the sector has the
capability of strengthening a community, while also promoting civic
involvement and ownership, a study into the cultural sector and community can
easily move toward activism. Researchers on such a study have the ability not
only to initiate a clearer understanding of community; they can also make
critical contributions to issues of equal human rights and sustainable
community growth. The ethnomusicologist, already trained to examine culture
beyond frames of entertainment or personal enlightenment, is equally equipped
to analyse the direct and indirect impact that the cultural sector has on
community; that culture can drive the economic and social development of a
community. By capturing the relationships between culture and economic
growth, community and sustainable development, and cultural expressions and
social inclusion, the ethnomusicologist can emerge as a vehicle for
change.
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The
ethnomusicologist can also bring to the study her useful skills of
interpreting policy documents alongside the interview data conducted with the
community members themselves. The complicated links between local debates and
national perspective emerge more clearly as the ethnomusicologist pulls apart
cultural policy-making and unveils ways to ensure it better supports
community needs. There is definitely a need to examine more closely how
cultural policy-making works (and does not work) at local levels; and it is
important to view the strengths and weaknesses of cultural policy in order to
uncover where additional efforts could most viably benefit the community. The
ethnomusicologist can offer such insights. |
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The
rest of this essay provides an outline of the insights I gleaned from my
involvement in the training programme in South Africa. I introduce an
informal cultural sector that is intertwined with the everyday, with the
local stakeholders from the neighbourhoods and the communities presented as
the unofficial policymakers on the ground. As we shall see, South Africa’s
cultural sector challenges North American and European paradigms as well as
the presumptions I held at the start of this training programme. The analysis
points to the need to define and develop frameworks for a creative economy
that better highlights and better recognises the peculiarities of
post-colonial countries. |
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Recognising
South Africa’s Informal Sector |
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Official
policies more broadly generally support authorised practices; they are
distributed through government-approved sites and may be viewed as ‘normal’
and at least expected. Unofficial policies, in contrast, mark the
unauthorised practices of a community, and are distributed through more
localised and even censured sites. Given that our
training programme was funded by a European organisation, it is somewhat
expected that our initial activities would be organised around more official
structures regarding policy, with me and my partners, to a certain extent,
imagining policy invested in an orderly regulation of society. However, as
was soon learned, such an emphasis failed to recognise the scope of the more
unofficial sites of the sector. |
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Informal
activities of Black South Africans were carefully controlled during
apartheid. The ‘Groups Areas Act, harsh licensing, strict zoning regulations
and effective detection and prosecution of offenders [along with]…[b]outs of
slum clearance and other periodic attacks on the illegal spaces within which
informal enterprise thrived, served to rid South African cities of
Black-dominated informal sector niches that were construed as hazardous to
public health and stereotyped as unsightly and unsanitary’.[25] With the end of
apartheid, however, many such measures of control were lifted; and
‘employment in the informal economy more than doubl[ed]’ in Black communities.[26]
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Although
the informal and formal economies of the cultural sector were largely separate
during apartheid, today there exists considerable overlap between the two.
Formal employment, for example, is elsewhere often defined as ‘long-term,’
and informal employment as temporary. Yet, such distinctions are not so
clear-cut in South Africa. Many of the training programme participants with
whom I worked joined the informal cultural sector as a lasting solution both to the high unemployment rates in the
country and to the difficult commutes into the city expected for formal
employment. Those who lived in townships outside Johannesburg, for instance,
complained that travelling just one way into the city took several hours, not
to mention frequent changes of bus or taxi; they also raised concerns
regarding the cost of the journey, which, for some, made the choice of
seeking formal employment in the city impossible. |
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Distinctions
between formal and informal sectors further blur in regard to registration:
formal businesses are defined as those that officially register their trades,
while informal businesses do not. Yet, as Ray Bromely
asks, what happens ‘if an enterprise is required to have six official
permits, for example, but only has five, should it be considered informal
even when the sixth derives from a moribund regulation that most entrepreneurs
ignore?’[27]
Contractual agreements (or lack thereof) also complicate differences between
informal and formal. As queried by the World
Bank, where do individuals who are employed domestically or are paid
in-kind fit? Are they part of the informal or formal sector?[28]
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In
South Africa, the informal sector is not only difficult to define but
attempts to estimate its size also prove problematic. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development, the cultural sector is one of the fastest growing informal
economies to emerge across the continent of Africa, where no less than 70-95%
of creative artists work. The actual size of the informal sector in South
Africa, however, varies according to statistical study.[29] Yet, what seems clear is that the cultural
sector dominates the country’s informal economy[30] and it exists largely
under the radar of statistical estimates and outside effective planning and
management legislation.[31] The informality of the
sector is made apparent in the many street activities that have developed
across South Africa’s cities and rural areas such as flea markets and street
traders and in the numerous home-based enterprises that have formed, which
have given rise to bakeshops and seamstress shops opening in private homes.
It became apparent that, if the objective of strengthening the cultural
sector was to be successful, the informality of the sector must be embraced;
the ‘unofficiality' of the sector must not only be
acknowledged but also accepted as an essential driving force in South Africa.
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In
embracing this informality, views on cultural policy must shift. Earlier
top-down perspectives are essentially replaced with bottom-up
interpretations, which better reflect the working lives of the programme
participants. This includes: the women who sell their handicrafts at busy
intersections in their neighbourhoods; the men who perform dance routines
outside shopping malls for tips; and the teenage buskers who regularly stand
outside upscale hotels, singing to their own guitar accompaniments for small
change. These are the actors of South Africa’s growing cultural sector with
whom I met and worked. By viewing them as active members of the cultural
sector, I gain an understanding not only of the wide range of entrepreneurs
that exist in South Africa, but also of the benefits that this bottom-up
approach can provide general policy-making strategies. |
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As
discovered from the start of the training programme, to examine the informal
cultural sector in South Africa is also to draw attention to women workers;
it is they who comprise the majority of the sector. Many sell goods from
their homes; others work as street vendors. Because much of the informal
cultural trade and services is omitted from official records and statistics,
the data on the exact number of women workers is also unknown. However, it is
agreed that Sub-Saharan Africa has one of the world’s highest rates of
informal employment, specifically among women.[32]
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This
large number of women working in the informal sector is common to Africa,
Anita Spring argues.[33] Yet, reasons for their
high number vary. Patriarchal attitudes and the prevalence of ‘old boys’
networks’ (like male social clubs), for example, are noted as keeping many
women outside formal working situations.[34] The lack of home
ownership (due largely to the absence of supportive homeownership subsidy
programmes) also wards off women from taking formal employment:[35] with no home to offer as collateral, many
women are unable to initiate the funds or credit required to start formal
business ventures. The shortage of affordable and available childcare in the
country stands as another reason for the large number of women in the
informal sector:[36] as several women
explain to me, they serve as primary caretakers of their children or
grandchildren; and with few childcare opportunities existing in their
neighbourhoods, they have little choice but to work from home and assume
places in the informal sector. Margaret Synder
suggests yet another cause: education.[37] South Africa, like many
other African countries, suffers from an education divide that leaves many
women in vulnerable positions. There is a higher illiteracy rate among women
than men, for example, which again restricts their participation in a formal
economy.
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Further
complicating the gender divide is the high level of poverty found among
informal workers. Statistics
SA indicates that 80 per cent of South Africa’s
growing informal sector lives under the poverty line.[38] Given that the
majority of informal workers are women, a link between being a woman in South
Africa, working in the informal cultural sector, and being poor must be
considered. Informal employment emerges as vulnerable employment, and
deserves more attention in official policymaking strategies.
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The
informal cultural sector will not disappear, nor will it stop attracting the
more vulnerable of society, including women. Yet, current policymaking is not
taking this growing sector into full account. Development policies and
programmes must not only acknowledge the informal sector but they need to do
better to target this sector, addressing specifically the issues
of women. Reasons why an exceedingly large number of women
join the informal sector is due largely to their life circumstances,
including lack of opportunities in employment, education and income. Given
that women dominate the informal cultural sector, and given that the cultural
industry enables economic empowerment, needed changes to cultural policy
stand as a tangible occasion for challenging the gender inequalities
affecting South Africa. |
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Organising
(or rather formalising) the informal cultural sector could contribute to
economic development; it could improve the capacity of informal workers to
meet their basic needs by increasing their incomes and strengthening their
legal status. However, to regulate the informal sector is a complicated task.
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Regulation
would require prospective entrepreneurs to enter a process of licensing,
including submitting license applications and acquiring business approval.
Many are not necessarily prepared for this task; therefore, licensing will
likely restrict involvement. Many of the individuals involved in this
training programme, for example, had neither the monies for processing a
license application, nor did they have the proficiency required to read and
to fill out such an application. |
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Regulation
also would hamper the current flexibility of the informal sector. Many of the
individuals I worked with entered the informal cultural sector precisely
because of the flexibility it offered regarding work hours. This was
particularly true among the women who had children or grandchildren to look
after and required employment that enabled them to be home if needed. By
obstructing flexibility, regulation would prohibit the inclusion of some
workers, particularly women. |
37 |
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Also important to note, the informal
sector, although outside official policy mandates, is not without regulation.
In fact, in speaking with individuals from the rural areas and townships, it
is clear that informal policies not only exist, they are successfully guiding
merchant actions. As example, certain parts of the streets or areas in
neighbourhoods are ‘claimed’ by established informal workers as the places
where they conduct their
businesses. These streets or areas, as a result, are considered locally as 'no-go' trading spots for new, incoming informal workers. Stakeholders seemed to
follow this directive as 'law', and consciously chose different streets or
neighbourhood areas for maaging their proposed businesses. As further
example, there was a collective agreement among the programme participants
regarding overall prices for their goods. Also understood among these
individuals was that, according to the neighbourhood or street where they
proposed to conduct their businesses, that price could be lowered or
increased appropriately. Far from a simple top-down process of
implementation, the informal cultural sector was both relational and dynamic,
where policies were being created and translated. |
38 |
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Further
study is needed regarding regulation, including how it could impact the
informal cultural sector both positively and negatively. Emphasis needs to be
placed on the divergent needs of informal workers, including flexible work
hours. Additionally, a better understanding is required of the unofficial
policy-making that is currently going on in South Africa’s informal sector;
this includes the manner in which unofficial policies are being formulated
and enacted, and whether or not these unofficial policies are driven by
official policies. |
39 |
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Among
the informal workers with whom I spoke, having a fixed place to trade is a
key priority. Yet, this is a complicated request: the public space demanded
by informal workers must have reasonable infrastructure, including water,
electricity, sanitation, waste removal and shelter. And herein lays the
challenge: many of the people participating in the programme live in the
poorer areas of South Africa and lack these basics. Such a lack of
infrastructure is a liability for enterprises in both the formal and informal
sectors. However, in the rural areas and townships where I worked, where many
of its participants live in squatter camps or make-shift houses, this lack of
infrastructure is hugely detrimental to goals of starting a business. How can
one start a business without safe water supplies or without sanitation? |
40 |
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The links
between improving infrastructure and enterprise have not always been apparent
to policy-makers. Yet, if enterprises are to be successful, and if actors are
to increase incomes, policies assuring better infrastructure are required;
and the relationship between lack of infrastructure and the informal sector
needs to be taken into better account. |
41 |
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One of the
NGOs with whom I worked was Impendulo Foundation,
which deals with women from the Mamelodi township. Impendulo Foundation provides an intriguing solution to the conundrum of
poor infrastructure and entrepreneurialism. Many
of the women working with Impendulo Foundation
are interested in the food business, specifically making traditional
cakes and biscuits for workers’ tea breaks in Mamelodi. Yet, they have no
fixed place to bake or sell their goods. Exploiting existing public spaces to
support these informal workers, Impedulo Foundation
coordinates with a restaurant in Mamelodi to open its doors in the late
evenings to these women, who, with access to the restaurant’s cooking space,
will bake their goods during the night. With the guidance of the training
programmes, these women then began to trade their baked goods with hotels and
petrol stations in Mamelodi early in the mornings. |
42 |
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The
action taken by Impendulo Foundation demonstrates an effective
measure for tackling problems of infrastructure in impoverished
neighbourhoods while supporting new enterprises. It successfully recognises
the links between poverty and lack of infrastructure, and points to
successful ways for dealing with challenges of entrepreneurship in informal
sectors. It is an action that can be replicated by other organisations in
other neighbourhoods. |
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Importance of
Entrepreneurial Training |
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Small business
entrepreneurship is thought to promote job creation and lower poverty.[39]
It is defined as essential for a nation’s economic development, identified as
an important vehicle through which people, including the poor, can use to
insert themselves into the economic mainstream.[40] Mary Jesselyn Co
and Bruce Mitchell write, ‘it is widely held that the only way for South
Africa to effectively address unemployment and revitalise the economy is
through the rediscovery of the entrepreneur who takes risks, breaks new
ground and innovates’.[41]
Yet, the rate of successful small businesses in developing countries remains
low in comparison to more developed countries.[42]
A primary reason for this, taking the argument of Leo Paul Dana, is that the
policies instituted to promote entrepreneurship in developing countries are
too similar to those used in developed countries.[43]
In fact, often the policies used in developing countries are exactly the same
as those from developed countries: they are just repositioned in the hope
that comparable results may emerge.[44]
However, challenges regarding entrepreneurialism are very different in
developing countries, and these differences arguably are not fully addressed
in government. Policy-makers, instead, remain ‘at times…swayed toward
ethnocentric tendencies, forgetting that what applies to one society may not
apply elsewhere’.[45]
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Apartheid
repressed the development of Black-owned businesses, and stifled
opportunities for Black South Africans to acquire entrepreneurial skills.
More recently, the government, in an effort to shift this paradigm, began
modifying its economic policies, specifically enlisting ways to encourage and
support the development and growth of small business enterprises among Black
South Africans. At present, however, the number of small business enterprises
to emerge within Black communities remains relatively small. |
45 |
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The
government’s response is to suggest that more entrepreneurial awareness and
training is needed. Training and educating people in the field of business
‘will hopefully encourage them to become job-creators instead of
job-seekers’.[46]
To help with this goal, entrepreneurial training sat at the core of the
training programme I helped to organise. As the most effective way forward,
the programme linked itself to NGOs and other organisations already
delivering training in the arts. These NGOs and organisations were using the
arts as vehicles for helping clients to better deal with life’s challenges,
from domestic violence and homelessness to HIV status. Working in
collaboration with these NGOs and organisations, the programme engaged with a
variety of groups (primarily women and youths) by providing and equipping
them with necessary entrepreneurial skills and training to transform their
arts hobbies into viable businesses. It worked primarily with musicians,
visual artists, actors, seamstresses, poets, artisans and traditional bakers,
preparing 319 women and 356 youths to assume employment within the cultural
sector (70% of these participants secured work with employers within the
cultural sector or through self-employment). |
46 |
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Although I am
not an entrepreneur, my consulting firm partner did have experience in
delivering business training, and was responsible for formalising training
programmes for use in the programme. Training was codified in six workshops;
each designed to meet the distinct needs of its participants. The workshops
were four hours each and ran for six-week durations. They helped participants
crystallise the nature and objectives of their businesses through the
construction of a business plan. Questionnaires were provided to help
participants decide on their target market; advice was given on how to decide
a production and trading site for their businesses; conversations were had on
managerial skills; and the legalities of owning and registering a business
were discussed. A ‘how to’ manual was organised and given to participants at
the start of training. Because the manual detailed the primary discussion
topics of the workshops, it was hoped the manual would become an important
resource for participants after the workshops finished. |
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Participants
were diverse, coming from varied backgrounds and arriving with different
business goals. Building on the research of Eugenia N. Petridou
and Charlambos T. Spathis[47]
and of Katerina Sarri and Anna Trihopoulou,[48]
pursued training in the programme was methodically planned, with the personal
circumstances of the participants taken into account
when delivering the training. For example, when working with the women
participants, curricula were organised to respond directly to the barriers
they faced in accessing and applying training in the cultural sector,
including their vulnerability to risks of poverty, domestic abuse and
HIV/AIDS. One-on-one mentoring was offered, and roundtable forums,
identifying key dimensions of effective women leadership in business, were
provided.
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48 |
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From this
perspective, participants were viewed not as a uniform group, but rather as
varied and multifaceted. Training, thence, was developed to meet their
wide-ranging needs. A choice of management workshops and conferences were
also organised to provide participants with further opportunities for
networking and for discussing their businesses with other would-be
entrepreneurs as well as experienced business owners. |
49 |
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Lack of
business training and experience is a chief reason why many small businesses
are unsuccessful, argues Charles Tushabomwe-Kazooba.[49]
Although business training is seen to play a crucial role in the success of a
business, numerous challenges were encountered that hold back would-be
entrepreneurs. The individuals with whom I met and worked face a host of
obstacles that limit their success, among which lack of effective
entrepreneurial training is only one such obstacle. A better understanding of
all the challenges facing small business owners is needed before better
business development can be assured. Only then can more effective policies be
instituted, and can the current government incentives meant to promote
entrepreneurship find success. |
50 |
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The challenges
facing entrepreneurship in South Africa have been identified, and are listed
below. Given the importance small business development can have on a nation’s
economic development, their inclusion in this article is outlined with a
certain sense of urgency and as a crucial first-step in bringing about
effective change. It is hoped that this information will better prepare the
government and policy-makers in South Africa for successfully improving small
business development in South Africa. The training programme necessarily had
to emerge much more fluid than previously envisioned; the programme needed to
change and adjust to the challenges encountered. |
51 |
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The first
challenge has to do with registration: in order to receive municipal funds to
start a business, the prospective business owner must register his or her
trade. The training programme served to assist participants with the process
of registering their businesses. That process, however, was not
straightforward. To register a business, prospective business owners were
required to show identification. Yet, not all participants had identification
documents. As a result, it became important to revise the training to
include, at participants’ start, advice on how to file for identification cards
(which, for many, included first filing for birth certificates). |
52 |
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A second
challenge revolves around the high rates of illiteracy among the
participations: most were unable to read or write. This meant that the ‘how
to’ manual that had been organised as part of the training was largely
unusable for most of the participants. To mitigate this problem, an
Ambassador Programme was established, which was meant to provide specialised
and extended training to high achieving participants who could read. Key
leaders in each training group were identified, and, able to read, they could
become ambassadors for their groups; they would become the ‘go to’ persons
for others should any questions emerge about the workshops or the manual.
Additional training was provided to these ambassadors, equipping them with
the knowledge and skills to answer participants’ questions. An unplanned
by-product of this action was that these ambassadors were able to deliver the
training on their own by using and teaching from the ‘how to’ manual; this
has enabled the programme to become sustainable following its two-year run. |
53 |
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A third
challenge impeding entrepreneurialism is lack of funds. Deposits are often
required from participants in order to secure a production and/or trading
site. Borrowing money from banks was difficult, since most participants
lacked the required collateral to participate in banking funding schemes
(this is in line with Charles Mambula’s research in
Nigeria).[50]
With money scarce among participants, alternative measures were needed.
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Using monies
available from government-sponsored initiatives for small business
development, participants were encouraged and supported to establish and
register themselves as co-operatives, with initial monies provided by these
government incentives used as start-up funds. Now serving as co-operatives,
the groups could offer selected participants the monies required to roll out
their individual businesses. These participants were expected to repay their
loans to the co-operatives within three months, which would then enable funds
for another selection of participants to roll out their individual
businesses. To ensure the on-going success of these co-operatives, relevant
NGO leaders were provided further advice on how to successfully run the
co-operatives long-term. |
55 |
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A final
challenge encountered revolves around current or chequing accounts. As was
advised at the training workshops, such accounts enable businesses to be
better organised and be more transparent regarding their finances. This
follows the research of Charles Tushabomwe-Kazooba,
who claims that poor accounting and recordkeeping is a major contributor to
unsuccessful entrepreneurial ventures in Africa.[51]
Yet, as became quickly apparent, most participants did not have such an
account and did not know how to apply for one. As a result, portions of the
early training were spent helping individuals apply for chequing accounts;
and giving advice both on how to balance these accounts and on how to assume
a routine for using those accounts to maintain accurate financial records on
a daily basis. |
56 |
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Involving
Traditional Leaders |
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Traditional
leaders are the kings and the chiefs. They are considered the custodians of
culture, and wield considerable control across South Africa, particularly in
rural areas where communities see them as crucial role players in the
conception and implementation of development projects. A common argument
emerging in South Africa following apartheid has been the continued suitability
and relevance of traditional leadership, with questions asked specifically
about how and if a hereditary institution like traditional authority should
be maintained in a democratic state. Although the debate still continues,
‘The central government has acknowledged the importance of traditional
leaders to the social and political life of the country, and has recognised
that at the level of local government, they are indispensable’.[52] |
57 |
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Speaking with
the people of Eastern Cape, it emerges that they originally held considerable
hope for change following apartheid and that they looked to their newly
elected rural and local councillors to usher in those changes, including
ensuring safe water supplies, electrical capabilities and basic road upkeep
within their regions. Change, however, did not come as promised or hoped. Not
surprisingly, many of the people in Eastern Cape, particularly in the rural
areas, where water and electricity remain amiss, turned away from their
elected representatives and instead returned to their traditional leaders for
support and guidance. The traditional leaders in Eastern Cape today affirm
local legitimacy, expertise and authority, and often operate at the gaps and
intersections of cultural policy. If changes to cultural policy were to
occur, it became apparent that traditional leaders needed to be brought into
the dialogue: a range of localised and traditional policies already exist
regarding culture in regions steered by traditional leadership. |
58 |
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The training
programme was again revised to include a series of workshops delivered
specifically to the Eastern Cape traditional leaders and their assistants.
This training was tailored with a ‘train the trainer’ strategy: Workshops
were used to ensure that the participating traditional leaders and their
assistants not only understood the mandate and objectives behind
strengthening the cultural sector, but also were prepared to pass that
mandate and those objectives on within their individual kingdoms. As a direct
result of integrating these traditional leaders into its programme, a
movement to make changes to the cultural sector were able to take root in
rural Eastern Cape. The traditional leaders adopted the ‘how to’ manual not
only as a means to create economic opportunities for people in their
kingdoms, but also as a vehicle to standardise entrepreneurial training
across the participating regions. |
59 |
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Yet, working
with the traditional leaders in Eastern Cape signals the very complexities of
cultural policy, and throws into relief the different ways decision-making
and agency exist and take shape in South Africa. One such example has to do
with traditional leaders’ goal to preserve local cultural practices—a goal
that has gained a particular sense of urgency of late. At the end of apartheid South Africa’s
cultural diversity was emphasised as a vehicle for building unity. However,
as the traditional leaders explain, because South Africa is so diverse
culturally and ethnically, questions emerge regarding how culture can foster
unity without some traditional cultural practices being marginalised. As the
traditional leaders now see it, part of their role is to ensure that the
individual traditional cultural practices within their own kingdoms are
maintained and that they continue with relevance. This at times leads to
considerable tensions between the traditional leaders and government
officials and local councillors, particularly when the cultural aims pursued
by traditional authorities stand in contrast to existing cultural policy.
This points to the conflicting interpretations of
culture and policy-making that exist in South Africa, particularly within
rural areas. |
60 |
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There
also exists considerable ambiguity regarding the cultural sector in the rural
areas. For example, participation in culture across the Eastern Cape kingdoms did not
necessarily imply private ownership, but rather could indicate role
assignments as designated by the traditional leaders. One such example was
the playing of particular musical instruments, specifically certain drums,
which could only be beaten in emergencies or at specific rituals as defined
by the traditional leader. The playing of the drums was considered a duty,
and it was a role that was usually assigned by the traditional leader and was
accepted on behalf of the larger community. To serve as drummer was
considered both an honour and duty, though it could come with an income as
decided by the community and relevant traditional leader. This threw into
question whether the drummer was actively involved in the cultural sector, or
whether the drummer was simply fulfilling community obligation. It was an
extremely complex situation when discussed alongside cultural policy-making.
Traditional leaders do not have the official authority to make, reject or change
cultural policy at a national level, yet locally, these traditional leaders
exercise approaches to culture that are understood within their kingdoms as
policy. |
61 |
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If cultural
policy is to be developed in South Africa, more focused research into traditional
cultural authority is required. This includes examining the diverging nature
of communal rights in culture, including why they are binding and how they
are enforced traditionally. Understanding the strengths and weaknesses of
cultural rights at the community level is essential to an appreciation of how
to build an effective cultural policy in South Africa. |
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Rethinking
Music Education |
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I was asked to
deliver a series of bi-weekly workshops on music entrepreneurialism to a
group of teenagers at Orange Farm, a township outside of Johannesburg. As a
once-working musician in Chicago and New York City, I was confident I could
lead discussions on how to write up contracts and how to promote music acts.
During the workshops I planned to guide participants through the complexities
of South Africa’s music industry, including how revenues can be generated
through recordings, downloading, streaming, radio and television play and
gigs. I organised sessions around the country’s primary copyright laws, and
on preparing business plans that take into account
musician rights, royalties and revenue deals. |
63 |
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At that first
workshop, I was met with a group of some 25 students, each with a clear
understanding regarding the roles they hoped to assume in the music business.
Some of the teenagers were already members of bands, playing African jazz,
rock or traditional music, and they sought record deals or, at the very
least, regular gigs around Johannesburg. Some were rappers, producing,
recording and mixing original music and beats from online music software;
like their colleagues who played in the bands, they sought record deals or
hoped to sell their beats to other well-known rappers around Africa. Still
others sought jobs as music managers, wanting to become press agents and
booking agents for different music acts in and around Johannesburg. To date,
none had found employment in music. With my workshops focussed on
entrepreneurialism, I hoped to change that. |
64 |
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These young
participants, however, viewed the workshops quite differently. At our first
meeting, they unanimously requested an amendment to the workshops: what they
wanted was that I teach them how to read music. Most of the youths in
attendance played music by ear; they did not read Western notation. It was
their inability to read musical notation, they complained, that kept them
from assuming employment. |
65 |
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In reply I
explained that, given the roles they hoped to assume in the music industry,
learning to read Western notation was not crucial. A variety of approaches to
learning music exist around the world, I contended. Western notation was just
one of many systems of learning and conveying music; and the popular or
African-based musics that they sought did not
necessarily rely on Western theoretical systems.[53]
What was necessary was not that they learn to read Western notation, I
further argued, but rather that they develop a clearer understanding of the
music business, including how to secure opportunities ‘to get their music out
there.’ Despite my advice, the students remained adamant; and in response I
shifted the focus of my workshops from business training to teaching them
Western notation. |
66 |
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The students’ demand to learn Western notation opens up a paradox,
demonstrating just how far music education has disconnected from the
realities on the ground. Following apartheid, South Africa’s Department of
Education had defined Arts and Culture as an area for ‘build[ing] awareness, celebrat[ing] diversity and acknowledg[ing] cultures and music that has been marginalised for
decades’.[54] A national curriculum was organised, meant
to secure ‘issues of social justice, human rights, a healthy environment and
inclusivity’.[55]
Yet, in reality, that curriculum maintained ‘strong voices that stereotype[d]
indigenous knowledge as backward and proletarian’[56]
and Western music, in response, was maintained as a dominant force in the
classroom.
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'We have
inherited from the past a way of thinking about music that cannot do justice
to the diversity of practices and experiences which that small word, 'music,'
signifies in today's world,' Nicholas Cook's words, emphasising how
preconceptions about music making and learning can take root in world
societies like South Africa.[57]
Music is a powerful cultural symbol, communicating relationships of place,
identity, history and community. These teenagers presupposing that their
status as working musicians demanded that they learn Western notation,
despite pursuing roles where reading music was not a prerequisite to
employment, represents what Lee Bartel calls a
‘hierarchy of ‘taste’’,[58]
which places Western notation at the top. Significantly, apartheid has
entrenched dominant paradigms of the West in the country—and this has
included music education. It suggests an engrained postcolonial anxiety, with
Western notation a hangover of the imposition of European standards of music
education on the nation, and the devaluation of non-notated musics. As a White woman visiting the class from the UK,
I was assumed to be the ‘bringer of notation,’ which further symbolises the
continued immense power White European culture continues to hold in
post-apartheid South Africa. |
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Elizabeth Oehrle confirms through her research that there exists an
‘overwhelming bias [in South Africa] towards Western music and ideas about
music education’.[59] It is, therefore, not surprising that my
attempts to focus the Orange Farm workshops on business training would be
challenged by the students. If my involvement in the workshops taught me
anything, it is that the education system in South Africa could better
consider and recognise African music making—its philosophies and processes.
This is not to imply that Western music should be disregarded in education.
However, students could be better supported and encouraged to learn about
different approaches to creativity, including Black African music. |
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Entrepreneurial
training remains something new in South Africa. Yet, in the music education
classroom, such training is particularly rare.[60] Business training alone may not have
enabled all of the youths attending my workshops to assume employment in the
music industry. However, such training could have helped support many of them
in creating opportunities for themselves in this competitive industry: at the
time of this publication, none of the youths at the workshops had yet
acquired consistent employment in music. |
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Conclusions |
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Applied
ethnomusicology implies applying ethnomusicology for practical purposes. It
suggests the ‘use of ethnomusicological knowledge by the ethnomusicologist to
increase the power of self-determination for a particular cultural group’.[61] It implies an extended
role that could include resolving conflicts or promoting equality; it could
involve the ethnomusicologist leading community members through grant writing
strategies that target a variety of mutually decided goals. Applied
ethnomusicology indicates the intimate knowledge and support an
ethnomusicologist has for the community she studies. It denotes her preparedness
to communicate the concerns of that community on a more formal level, and to
work with the community members to initiate change or secure a shared sense
of empowerment. |
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Yet,
applied ethnomusicology is rarely straightforward. Ethnomusicologists are
taught to question and re-question how cultural life exists on the ground,
that this is where the fundamental actions of power generally occur. However,
we may get so caught up with trying to describe and analyse cultural life
that we neglect to examine it in accordance with the terms of the community
itself. John Shotter calls this
‘aboutness-thinking,’ and argues that it impels ethnographers to theories
‘from the outside,’ to discuss happenings that occur ‘over there’.[62]
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As
I learned from my experiences in South Africa, ‘aboutness-thinking’ can also
sway funding bodies. Despite their organising funding schemes with the best
of intentions, funding bodies may fail to construct the funding calls (their
objectives, aims, guidelines) in accordance with the community or communities
in question. They adopt terms or attitudes external to the community or
communities; they presuppose the needs of a people who exist ‘over there.’ If
the grant fundees do not reinterpret that call ‘from
within,’ the objectives and aims of that grant run the risk of being left
unmet. |
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As
I quickly learned, the interworking of a cultural sector can be best
represented through ‘withness-thinking’,[63] particularly in a
post-colonial country like South Africa, where struggles regarding culture
and policy remain steeped in the complexities of colonial oppression.
Certainly, a strong cultural policy can make an important contribution to the
development of a nation as a whole. It can serve an ‘essential’ role in
‘foster[ing] access to culture and creation for
all, promot[ing] cultural
diversity and support[ing] the sustainable
development of the cultural sectors,’ as read in the EU guidelines for the
grant that brought me to South Africa to conduct these workshops.[64]
Furthermore, it can inform and reflect a country’s ‘sustainable economic,
social and human development’ (p. 6). Yet, in post-colonial countries, where
empowerment of the local may necessarily stand separate from—or even in
opposition to—official policy-making, attempts to strengthen the sector would
emerge as more effective if they allowed for the unique dynamics of localised
spaces of power. Only after I acquired an
understanding of South Africa’s entrepreneurial culture reflected ‘from
within’,[65]
could I finally approach that country’s cultural sector with the necessary
awareness ‘to problematize, to turn what seems familiar and understandable
upside down and inside out’.[66]
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Developing a
better understanding of how the cultural sector exists ‘on the ground’
provides insights into the renewal properties of a community. Yet, because
communities do not necessarily engage with their cultural sectors in the same
way, the local contexts of these communities and sectors must be observed
with more clarity. There are differences in how communities generate culture
on the ground; and considering those differences is crucial when attempting
to initiate policy and action strategies within a cultural sector. Cultures
are not uniform: they comprise the differing and complex histories and signs
of its diverse members. As a result, cultural policy cannot be considered
homogeneous. As I quickly learned from my work in South Africa, I had to
develop both an understanding of and appreciation for a more varied bottom-up
perspective in cultural policy-making if we—the community, my partners and
I—were to meet our goals. I learned that a broader examination into how
cultural policy works in South Africa is necessary, including how it may be
modified in some communities, and how it may intersect with other policies in
other communities. Only by addressing the gaps and disparities in the
cultural sector could the community and I suggest recommendations for
effective change. |
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The absence of
a structured policy across South Africa does not equate to a non-existence of
a policy framework, under which culture can be observed. Nor does it imply
that culture has no role in development. Rather, as sketched in this article,
in addition to circulations of official policy agendas, there may exist more
local, unofficial types of policy-making; and if more effective cultural
policies are to be developed, these bottom-up approaches must be better
considered. Indeed, universalist urges to define concepts of culture and
policy through arguably North American or European imaginations should be
avoided, and issues of informality, local entrepreneurialism and traditional
leadership should be taken into account more
systematically. Only through this kind of scrutiny can the diversified spaces
already existing in the cultural sector be understood, and be supported to
work more effectively. |
76 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Navigating the
complexities of South Africa’s cultural sector has forced me to confront
unexpected difficulties as an ethnomusicologist; but it has also provided me
with new and rewarding opportunities. Charles
Seeger argues for ‘the importance of using the results of [ethnomusicology]
research in places far beyond university walls for the benefit of the communities
whose music we study’.[67] The experiences I had
in South Africa showed me how my research can advocate change; how it can
speak to tangible societal challenges while insisting on the realisation of
social responsibility. I learned first-hand how ethnomusicology can inform
new knowledge relating to community empowerment and can lead to the
documentation of links between the cultural sector and economic growth, and
between inequality and poverty. It was a path, to again borrow from Seeger,
that could ‘improve the field of ethnomusicology itself and increase the
impact on the future of both music and community life’.[68]
|
77 |
Notes
[1]
Andy C. Pratt, ‘Cultural industries and public policy:
An oxymoron?’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, Vol. 11, No. 1 (2005): 33.
[2]
Nicholas Garnham, ‘From cultural to creative industries: An
analysis of the implications of the ‘creative industries’ approach to arts and
media policy making in the United Kingdom,’ International Journal of
Cultural Policy, Vol. 11,
No. 1 (2005): 26.
[3]
Pratt, ‘Cultural industries and public policy: An
oxymoron?’: 31.
[4]
Chris Gibson and Natascha Klocker, ‘The ‘cultural turn’ in
Australian regional economic development discourse: neoliberalising
creativity?’ Geographical Research, Vol. 43, No. 1 (2005): 95.
[5]
Kendrick Brown,
‘Coloured and black relations in South Africa: The burden of racial hierarchy,’ Macalester International, Vol. 9
(2000): 202; Carol Ann Muller and Sathima Bea
Benjamin,Musical Echoes: South African
Women Thinking in Jazz (Durham, NC, and
London: Duke University Press, 2001): 9.
[6]
Harriet Deacon, At
Arm's Length: The Relationship Between Research and Policy in Arts and Culture,
1992-2007. Wynberg, (South Africa: Centre for higher education
transformation (CHET), 2009): 1.
[7]
C.M. Rogerson, ‘Rural handicraft production in the
developing world: policy issues for South Africa,’ Agrekon, Vol. 39, No. 2 (2000): 197.
[8]
Mzo Sirayi, ‘Cultural planning and urban renewal in South
Africa,’ The Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society, vol. 37, no. 4 (2008): 334.
[9]
Ibid.
[10]
Ibid.
[11]
H.C. Roodt, ‘Cultural policy and the landscape of the law
in South Africa,’ Fundamina, Vol. 12 (2006): 204.
[12]
Keith Nurse, ‘Culture as the fourth pillar of sustainable
development,’ Small states: economic review and basic statistics, Vol. 11 (2006): 36; Tariq Banuri,
‘Modernization and its Discontents: A Cultural Perspective on Theories of
Development’ in Marglin, F and S. Marglin eds. Dominating Knowledge:
Development, Culture, and Resistance (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990): 83.
[13]
C.M. Rogerson, ‘Rural handicraft production in the
developing world: policy issues for South Africa,’ Agrekon, Vol. 39, No. 2 (2000): 203.
[14]
Ben Fine, ‘Politics and Economics in ANC Economic Policy':
an Alternative Assessment,’ Transformation, Vol. 25 (1994): 23.
[15]
Roodt, ‘Cultural policy and the landscape of the law
in South Africa’: 205.
[16]
Brent Meersman, Brent, ‘Democracy, capitalism and theatre in
the new South Africa,’ South African Theatre Journal, Vol. 21, No. 1 (2007).
[17]
Sirayi, ‘Cultural planning and urban renewal in South
Africa’: 334.
[18]
Roodt, ‘Cultural policy and the landscape of the law
in South Africa’: 205.
[19]
Deborah Stevenson, ‘‘Civic gold’ rush: Cultural planning and
the politics of the third way,’ International journal of cultural policy, Vol. 10, No. 1 (2004): 124.
[20]
Richard
E Matland,. ‘Synthesizing the implementation literature: The ambiguity-conflict
model of policy implementation,’ Journal of public administration
research and theory, Vol. 5,
No. 2 (1995): 146.
[21]
Klisala Harrison,
Klisala, Elizabeth Mackinlay, and Svanibor Pettan, eds. Applied
ethnomusicology: Historical and contemporary approaches (Cambridge:
Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010); Svanibor Pettan
and Jeff Todd Titon (eds.) (2015) The
Oxford Handbook of Applied Ethnomusicology (Oxford University Press, 2015);
Anthony Seeger, ‘Changing praxis and ethical practice: lessons for
ethnomusicology from applied anthropology,’ Keynote address, SEM-ICTM Forum
(September 13-16, Limerick, Ireland, 2015).
[22]
'ICTM Study Group on Applied Ethnomusicology' (http://ictmusic.org/group/applied-ethnomusicology) Accessed 26 June 2017.
[23]
Craig
Dreeszen, Community cultural planning
handbook: A guide for community leaders (Washington, DC: Americans for the
Arts, 1997).
[24]
John H. Falk
and Lynn D. Dierking. "Re-envisioning success in the cultural
sector." Cultural Trends, Vol. 17, No. 4 (2008).
[25]
Geeta Gandhi Kingdon and John Knight, ‘Unemployment in South
Africa: The nature of the beast,’ World development, Vol. 32, No. 3 (2004): 403.
[26]
Richard Devey, Caroline Skinner, and Imraan Valodia,
‘Definitions, data and the informal economy in South Africa: a critical analysis,’
in Vishnu Padavachee (ed.) The Development Decade? Economic and Social
Change in South Africa, 1994-2004, (Pretoria, South Africa: HSRC Press,
2006): 303.
[27]
Ray Bromley,
‘Informality, de Soto Style: From Concept to Policy’, in Cathy Rakowski (ed.) Contrapunto The Informal Sector Debate in
Latin America (Albany: State University Press of New York, 1995): 146.
[28]
Banco Mundial, Africa development indicators 2007:
Spending and sustaining growth in Africa. 330, no. 13/A25 (Washington, DC:
Banco Mundial, 2007): 148-149.
[29]
Richard Devey, Caroline Skinner, and Imraan Valodia,
‘Definitions, data and the informal economy in South Africa: a critical
analysis’: 302.
[30]
Avril Joffe and Monica Newton, ‘Creative Industries in South
Africa,’ Creative Industries Sector
Report, (Pretoria, South Africa: HSRC Press, 2007).
[31]
Mimeta (Centre for Cultural Sector Development and
Arts Cooperation) ‘Notes on the African Creative Economy’ (2011) (http://www.mimeta.org/mimeta-blog/2011/4/13/notes-on-the-african-creative-economy.html)
Accessed 15 February 2016.
[32]
Marty Chen, “Women And
Employment In Africa: A Framework For Action, Background Document,”
commissioned by the Danish Foreign Ministry for the Second Conference of the
Africa Commission, Harvard University, WIEGO Network (November 2008).
[33]
Anita Spring, ‘African women in the entrepreneurial
landscape: Reconsidering the formal and informal sectors,’ Journal of
African Business, Vol. 10,
No. 1 (2009): 14.
[34]
Ibid.
[35]
Susan Parnell, ‘Race, class, gender and home ownership
subsidies in contemporary South Africa,’ Urban Forum, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1991):.
21-39.
[36]
Parnell, 'Race, class, gender and home ownership subsidies in
contemporary South Africa': 31.
[37]
Margaret Snyder, ‘Women’s Agency in the Economy: Business and
Investment Patterns,’ in Aili Mari Tripp and Joy C. Kewisga (eds.), The Women’s Movement in Uganda: A History,
Challenges and Prospects (Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 2002).
[38]
Hein Marais, Hein South Africa: Limits to change: The
political economy of transition (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001): 178.
[39]
Michael L. Harris and Shanan G. Gibson ‘Determining the common
problems of early growth small businesses in Eastern North Carolina,’ SAM
Advanced Management Journal, Vol. 71, No. 2 (2006): 39-46; Stephenson K. Arinaitwe, (2006) ‘Factors
constraining the growth and survival of small scale businesses. A developing
countries analysis,’ Journal of American Academy of Business, Cambridge, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2006): 167-178; Shelley
Van Eeden, Suzette Viviers, and Danie Venter ‘An exploratory study of selected
problems encountered by small businesses in a South African context,’ Journal
of African business, Vol.
5, No. 1 (2004): 45-72; Micheline Goedhuys and Leo Sleuwaegen ‘Entrepreneurship
and growth of entrepreneurial firms in Cote d'Ivoire,’ The Journal of
Development Studies, Vol.
36, No. 3 (2000): 123-145; Michael H. Morris and Pamela S. Lewis
‘Entrepreneurship as a significant factor in societal quality of life,’ Journal
of Business Research, Vol.
23, No. 1 (1991): 21-36.
[40]
Michael L. Harris and Shanan G. Gibson ‘Determining the common
problems of early growth small businesses in Eastern North Carolina,’ SAM
Advanced Management Journal, Vol. 71, No. 2 (2006): 39-46.
[41]
Mary Jesselyn Co and Bruce Mitchell (2006) ‘Entrepreneurship education in South Africa: a nationwide survey,’ Education + Training, Vol. 48, No. 5
(2006): 348-359.
[42]
Stephenson K. Arinaitwe, (2006) ‘Factors constraining
the growth and survival of small scale businesses. A developing countries
analysis,’ Journal of American Academy of Business, Cambridge, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2006): 167-178.
[43]
Leo Paul Dana ‘Promoting SMEs in Africa: some insights from an
experiment in Ghana and Togo,’ Journal of African Business, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2007): 151-174.
[44]
Ibid.
[45]
Dana, 'Promoting SMEs in Africa: some insights from an
experiment in Ghana and Togo': 171.
[46]
Co and Mitchell, ‘Entrepreneurship
education in South Africa: a nationwide survey’: 348.
[47]
Eugenia N. Petridou and Charalambos T. Spathis (2001)
‘Designing training interventions: human or technical skills training?’ International
Journal of Training and Development, Vol. 5, No. 3 (2001): 185-195.
[48]
Katerina Sarri and Anna Trihopoulou, ‘Female
entrepreneurs’ personal characteristics and motivation: a review of the Greek
situation,’ Women in management review, Vol. 20, No. 1 (2005): 24-36.
[49]
Charles Tushabomwe-Kazooba, ‘Causes of small business failure
in Uganda: a case study from Bushenyi and Mbarara Towns,’ African studies
quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 4
(2006): 1-13.
[50]
Charles Mambula ‘Perceptions of SME growth constraints in
Nigeria,’ Journal of Small Business Management, Vol. 40, No. 1 (2002): 58-65.
[51]
Tushabomwe-Kazooba, ‘Causes of small business failure
in Uganda: a case study from Bushenyi and Mbarara Towns’: 1-13.
[52]
Talia Meer and Craig Campbell ‘Traditional leadership
in democratic South Africa’ Durban and Cape Town: Democracy Development
Program (http://ddp.org.za/information-material/articles/Traditional%20Leadership%20in%20Democratic%20South%20Africa.pdf) Accessed 16 February
2016.
[53]
See Campbell,
Patricia S., and H. Schippers. ‘Local musics, global issues.’ in Patricia
Shehan Campbell, John Drummond, Peter Dunbar-Hall, Keith Howard, Huib Schippers
& Trevor Wiggins (eds.) Cultural diversity in music education:
Direction and challenges for the 21st century (Brisbane: Australian Academic Press, 2005): v-vii.
[54]
'National Curriculum
Statement (NCS) 2005, qutd. by Yolisa Nompula, ‘Valorising
the voice of the marginalised: exploring the value of African music in
education.’ South African Journal of Education Vol. 31, No. 3
(2011): 369.
[55]
Ibid.
[56]
Nompula,
‘Valorising the voice of the marginalised: exploring the value of African music
in education,’: 369-370.
[57]
Nicholas Cook Music: A very short
introduction (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2000): 14.
[58]
Lee Bartel,‘Introduction:
What is the music education paradigm?’ in Lee Bartel (ed.) Questioning the music education paradigm (Waterloo, Ontario:
Canadian Music Educators Association,
2004): xii-xvi.
[59]
Elizabeth Oehrle, ‘Emerging music education trends in
Africa,’ International Journal of Music
Education, Vol. 1 (1991): 23.
[60]
André
Gerard Steenekamp, Stephan van der Merwe, and Rosemary Athayde (2011) ‘An
investigation into youth entrepreneurship in selected South African secondary
schools: An exploratory study,’ Southern African Business Review, Vol. 15, No. 3 (2011): 67.
[61]
Svanibor
Pettan, ‘Applied ethnomusicology and empowerment strategies: Views from across
the Atlantic,’ Musicological Annual, Vol. 44, No. 1 (2008): 90.
[62]
John Shotter, ‘Understanding process from within: An
argument for ‘withness’-thinking,’ Organization
Studies, Vol. 27, No. 4 (2006): 585.
[63]
Shotter, ‘Understanding process from within: An
argument for ‘withness’-thinking,’: 585-604.
[64]
European
Union, ‘Guidelines for Applicants,’ Strengthening
Capacities in the Cultural Sector (2010): 5.
[65]
Shotter, ‘Understanding process from within: An
argument for ‘withness’-thinking,’: 585-600.
[66]
Barbara Czarniawska-Joeergest, Exploring
complex organisations: A cultural perspective. (London: Sage, 1992): 73.
[67]
Anthony Seeger, ‘Theories Forged in the Crucible of
Action: The Joys, Dangers and Potentials of Advocacy and Fieldwork,’ in Gregory
F. Barz and Timothy J. Cooley (eds.), Shadows
in the Field (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008): 287.
[68]
Ibid.
Arinaitwe, Stephenson K.,‘Factors constraining the
growth and survival of small scale businesses. A developing countries
analysis,’ Journal of American Academy of Business, Cambridge, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2006), 167-178.
Banuri, Tariq
‘Modernization and its discontents: A cultural perspective on theories of development’
in F. Marglin and S. Marglin (eds.), Dominating Knowledge: Development, Culture, and Resistance (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990), 73-101.
Bartel, Lee,
‘Introduction: What is the music education paradigm?’ in Lee Bartel (ed.) Questioning
the music education paradigm (Waterloo, Ontario: Canadian Music Educators Association, 2004),
xii-xvi.
Bromley, Ray ‘Informality, de Soto Style: From Concept
to Policy,’ in Cathy Rakowski (ed.) Contrapunto: The Informal Sector Debate in Latin
America (Albany: State University Press of New York, 1995), 131-151.
Brown, Kendrick, ‘Coloured and black relations in
South Africa: The burden of racial hierarchy,’ Macalester International, Vol. 9 (2000), 198-207.
Campbell, Patricia S., and H. Schippers. ‘Local musics, global issues,’ in Patricia Shehan Campbell, John Drummond, Peter Dunbar-Hall, Keith Howard, Huib Schippers & Trevor Wiggins (eds.), Cultural Diversity in Music Education:
Direction and Challenges for the 21st Century (Brisbane: Australian
Academic Press, 2005): v-vii.
Chen, Martha Alter, ‘Women and informality: A global
picture, the global movement,’ Sais Review, Vol. 21, No. 1 (2001), 71-82.
Chen, Marty ‘Women and Employment in
Africa: A framework for action, background document,’ commissioned by the
Danish Foreign Ministry for the Second Conference of the Africa Commission,
Harvard University, WIEGO Network (November 2008).
Co, Mary Jesselyn and Bruce
Mitchell, ‘Entrepreneurship education in South Africa: a nationwide survey,’ Education + Training, Vol. 48, No. 5
(2006), 348-359.
Cook, Nicholas, Music:
A Very Short Introduction (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2000).
Czarniawska-Joeergest, Barbara, Exploring Complex Organisations: A Cultural
Perspective (London: Sage, 1992).
Dana, Leo Paul, ‘Promoting SMEs in Africa: some
insights from an experiment in Ghana and Togo,’ Journal of African Business, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2007), 151-174.
Deacon, Harriet, At Arm's Length: The Relationship
Between Research and Policy in Arts and Culture, 1992-2007 (Wynberg, South
Africa: Centre for higher education transformation (CHET), 2009).
Devey, Richard,
Caroline Skinner, and Imraan Valodia 'Definitions, data and the informal economy in South Africa: a critical
analysis,' in Vishnu Padavachee (ed.), The
Development Decade? Economic and Social Change in South Africa, 1994- 2004 (Pretoria, South Africa: HSRC Press, 2006), 302-23.
Dreeszen, Craig, Community Cultural Planning Handbook: A Guide for Community Leaders (Washington, DC: Americans for the Arts, 1998).
European Commission, The Economy of Culture in Europe (Brussels: KEA European Affairs,
2006).
European Union, ‘Guidelines for Applicants,’ Strengthening Capacities in the Cultural
Sector (2010).
Falk, John H., and Lynn D. Dierking. 'Re-envisioning success in the cultural sector,’ Cultural
Trends, Vol. 17, No. 4 (2008), 233-246.
Fine, Ben, ‘Politics and Economics in ANC Economic
Policy: an Alternative Assessment,’ Transformation, Vol. 25 (1994), 19-33.
Garnham, Nicholas, ‘From cultural to creative
industries: An analysis of the implications of the ‘creative industries’
approach to arts and media policy making in the United Kingdom,’ International
Journal of Cultural Policy, Vol. 11, No. 1 (2005), 15-29.
Goedhuys, Micheline, and
Leo Sleuwaegen, ‘Entrepreneurship and growth of
entrepreneurial firms in Cote d'Ivoire,’ The Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 36, No. 3 (2000), 123-145.
Ghezzi, S., ‘The
Fallacy of the Formal and Informal Divide: Lessons from a Post-Fordist Regional
Economy,’ in E. Marcelli and C.C. Williams (eds) Informal Work in
Developed Nations (Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press, 2008), 114-131.
Gibson, Chris, and Natascha Klocker,
‘The ‘cultural turn’ in Australian regional economic development discourse: neoliberalising creativity?’ Geographical Research Vol. 43, No. 1 (2005), 93-102.
Harris, Michael L., and Shanan G. Gibson, ‘Determining the common problems of early growth small businesses in
Eastern North Carolina,’ SAM Advanced Management Journal, Vol. 71, No. 2 (2006), 39-46.
Harrison, Klisala, Elizabeth
Mackinlay, and Svanibor Pettan,
eds. Applied Ethnomusicology: Historical and Contemporary Approaches (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010).
'ICTM Study
Group on Applied Ethnomusicology' (http://ictmusic.org/group/applied-ethnomusicology) Accessed 26
June 2017.
Joffe, Avril and Monica Newton, ‘Creative Industries
in South Africa,’ Creative Industries
Sector Report, prepared for the HSRC, Department of Labour, South Africa
(2007).
Kingdon, Geeta Gandhi,
and John Knight, ‘Unemployment in South Africa: The nature of the beast,’ World
Development, Vol. 32, No. 3
(2004), 391-408.
Kirkpatrick, Bill, ‘Bringing Blue Skies Down to Earth
Citizen Policy-making in Negotiations for Cable Television, 1965-1975,’ Television
& New Media, Vol. 13,
No. 4 (2012), 307-328.
Kirkpatrick, Bill, ‘Vernacular policymaking and the
cultural turn in media policy studies,’ Communication, Culture &
Critique, Vol. 6, No. 4
(2013), 634-647.
Mambula, Charles,
‘Perceptions of SME growth constraints in Nigeria,’ Journal of Small
Business Management, Vol.
40, No. 1 (2002), 58-65.
Marais, Hein, South Africa: Limits to change: The
political economy of transition. (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001).
Matland, Richard E.,
‘Synthesizing the implementation literature: The ambiguity-conflict model of
policy implementation,’ Journal of public administration research and
theory, Vol. 5, No. 2 (1995), 145-174.
Meer, Talia and Craig Campbell ‘Traditional leadership
in democratic South Africa’ Durban and Cape Town: Democracy Development Program (http://ddp.org.za/information-material/articles/Traditional%20Leadership%20in%20Democratic%20South%20Africa.pdf) (2007) Accessed 16 February
2016.
Meersman, Brent (2007)
‘Democracy, capitalism and theatre in the new South Africa,’ South African
Theatre Journal, 21(1), pp.
292-306.
Mimeta (2011) ‘Notes
on the African Creative Economy’ (http://www.mimeta.org/mimeta-blog/2011/4/13/notes-on-the-african-creative-economy.html) Accessed 15
February 2016.
Morris, Michael H., and Pamela S. Lewis,
‘Entrepreneurship as a significant factor in societal quality of life,’ Journal
of Business Research, Vol.
23, No. 1 (1991), 21-36.
Muller, Carol Ann and Sathima Bea Benjamin, Musical Echoes: South
African Women Thinking in Jazz (Durham, NC, and London: Duke
University Press, 2001).
Mundial, Banco, Africa Development Indicators 2007: Sprending and Sustaining Growth in Africa, Vol.
330, No. 13/A25 (Washington, DC: Banco Mundial, 2007).
Nompula, Yolisa, ‘Valorising the voice of the margainalised:
exploring the value of African music in education,’ South African Journal of Education, Vol. 31, No. 3 (2011), 369-380.
Nurse, Keith, ‘Culture as the fourth pillar of
sustainable development,’ Small States: Economic Review and Basic Statistics, Vol. 11 (2006), 28-40.
Oehrle, Elizabeth,
‘Emerging music education trends in Africa,’ International Journal of Music Education, Vol. 1 (1991), 23-29.
Parnell, Susan, ‘Race, class, gender and home
ownership subsidies in contemporary South Africa,’ Urban Forum, Vol. 2,
No. 1 (1991), 21-39.
Petridou, Eugenia N.,
and Charalambos T. Spathis,
‘Designing training interventions: human or technical skills training?’ International
Journal of Training and Development, Vol. 5, No. 3 (2001), 185-195.
Pettan, Svanibor, ‘Applied ethnomusicology and empowerment
strategies: Views from across the Atlantic,’ Musicological Annual, Vol. 44, No. 1 (2008), 85-99.
Pettan, Svanibor and Jeff Todd Titon (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Applied
Ethnomusicology (Oxford University Press, 2015).
Pratt, Andy C., ‘Cultural industries and public
policy: An oxymoron?’, International journal of cultural policy, Vol. 11, No. 1 (2005), 31-44.
Rentschler, Ruth, The
Entrepreneurial Arts Leader: Cultural Policy, Change and Reinvention (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 2002).
Rogerson, C. M., ‘Rural handicraft production in the
developing world: policy issues for South Africa,’ Agrekon, Vol. 39, No. 2 (2000), 193-217.
Roodt, H. C.,
‘Cultural policy and the landscape of the law in South Africa,’ Fundamina, Vol. 12 (2006), 203-222.
Sarri, Katerina, and
Anna Trihopoulou, ‘Female entrepreneurs’ personal
characteristics and motivation: a review of the Greek situation,’ Women in
management review, Vol. 20, No. 1 (2005), 24-36.
Seeger, Anthony, ‘Changing praxis and ethical
practice: lessons for ethnomusicology from applied anthropology,’ Keynote
address, SEM-ICTM Forum (September 13-16, 2015, Limerick, Ireland).
Seeger, Anthony, ‘Theories Forged in the Crucible of
Action: The Joys, Dangers and Potentials of Advocacy and Fieldwork,’ in Gregory
F. Barz and Timothy J. Cooley (eds.), Shadows in the Field (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2008), 271-288.
Shotter, John,
‘Understanding process from within: An argument for ‘withness'-thinking,' Organization Studies, Vol. 27, No. 4
(2006), 585-604.
Sirayi, Mzo 'Cultural planning and urban renewal in South Africa,' The
Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society, Vol. 37, No. 4 (2008), 333-344.
Snyder, Margaret, ‘Women’s Agency in the Economy:
Business and Investment Patterns,’ in Aili Mari Tripp
and Joy C. Kewisga (eds.), The Women’s Movement in Uganda: A History, Challenges and Prospects (Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 2002).
Spring, Anita, ‘African women in the entrepreneurial
landscape: Reconsidering the formal and informal sectors,’ Journal of
African Business, Vol. 10,
No. 1 (2009), 11-30.
Steenekamp, André Gerard,
Stephan van der Merwe, and Rosemary Athayde, ‘An
investigation into youth entrepreneurship in selected South African secondary
schools: An exploratory study,’ Southern African Business Review, Vol. 15, No. 3 (2011), 46-75.
Stevenson, Deborah, ‘‘Civic gold’ rush: Cultural
planning and the politics of the third way,’ International journal of
cultural policy, Vol. 10,
No. 1 (2004), 119-131.
Tushabomwe-Kazooba, Charles,
‘Causes of small business failure in Uganda: a case study from Bushenyi and Mbarara Towns,’ African studies quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 4 (2006), 1-13.
Van Eeden, Shelley, Suzette Viviers, and Danie Venter, ‘An exploratory study of
selected problems encountered by small businesses in a South African context,’ Journal
of African business, Vol.
5, No. 1 (2004), 45-72.
Wiliams, CC, Cash-in-hand Work: the Underground Sector and Hidden Economy of Favours (Basingstoke: Palgrave
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